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November 2012

How the world voted on Palestine


By on 11/30/2012

Yes 138 – No 9 – Abstain 41

How the world voted on Palestine

The countries which voted YES
(no list available yet, but see map above to get an idea of the countries that did)

The countries which voted NO are

Israel, United States, Canada, Czech Republic, Panama, Marshall Islands, Micronesia, Nauru and Palau

The countries which abstained are:

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How the world voted on Palestine
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Albania, Andorra, Australia, Bahamas, Barbados, Bosnia & Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Cameroon, Colombia, Congo (DRC), Croatia, Estonia, Fiji, Germany, Guatemala, Haiti, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Macedonia, Malawi, Monaco, Mongolia, Montenegro, Netherlands, Papua New Guinea, Paraguay, Poland, Moldova, Romania, Rwanda, Samoa, San Marino, Singapore, Slovakia, Slovenia, South Korea, Togo, Tonga, the United Kingdom and Vanuatu.

Five countries failed to vote.
(no list yet available)

According to the highly respectable Democracy Index run by the Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU), only 25 countries are full democracies. So, of those democracies, 17 voted for, 3 voted against and 5 abstained. If we take flawed democracies into account, 48 countries voted for, 5 voted against and 24 abstained. (With thanks to Sol Salbe for referring us to the Index)

Source: Sonja Karkar – Australians For

Opera Flash Mob Antwerp

Nothing nuanced in Assad’s bloody survival strategy

During Israel’s assault on Gaza last week and the continuing Assad regime assault on Syria, media biases that have been developing for months have crystallised. While the Palestinian tragedy exposed the historical mainstream media bias towards Israel, the Syrian tragedy exposed another kind of bias against Syrian people’s aspirations for freedom.

Some activists, intellectuals and human-rights advocates who are defined as leftist, anti-imperialist and fiercely pro-resistance have struggled with the Syrian revolution since its inception in March 2011. After all, Bashar Al Assad inherited his father’s role as the champion of Arab “resistance”, even while he slaughtered his own people.

This group of journalists, bloggers and social media activists have mocked the revolution while warning against the “reactionary” tendency to frame Syria as a humanitarian crisis instead of a geopolitical catastrophe. Though they are committed to drawing attention to the unrest in Bahrain, cheering any whisper of trouble in Saudi Arabia, welcoming the unfolding protests in Jordan and expressing outrage over every Palestinian death in Gaza, they continue to watch with “critical” eyes as dozens are killed in Syria every single day.

They claim that the “real” story is more nuanced than a narrative of a people simply demanding the toppling of an oppressive regime. They frame the Syrian political opposition as a western conspiracy against a sovereign nation, but fail to acknowledge the almost impossible task of forging a unified political body out of the power vacuum left by a 42-year-old regime that rules with an iron fist against dissent.

They warn of the sectarian tendencies of the Syrian armed resistance while ignoring the right to self-defence. But as revealed in the past weeks, it is these sophisticated mouthpieces who are in need of nuance, as they are incapable of denouncing violence unless the violence is committed by Israel or a western-backed Arab country.

It is considered insensitive and ignorant to compare a people’s suffering to the Second World War Holocaust, just as it is insensitive and ignorant to compare the suffering of Palestinians over the last 64 years to the suffering of any other people in the Middle East. But what the staunch defenders of resistance have forgotten is that the suffering of Syrians has been historically linked to the suffering of Palestinians, for much of what the Syrian people endured under the Assad dynasty – oppression, repression, terror – was committed in the name of fighting for Palestine.

The Assad regime’s military might – now targeting only the Syrian people – was developed under the guise of fighting the common Arab enemy: Israel. The regime taught generations of Syrians that we were in a state of perpetual war with Israel to free the occupied Golan Heights. Our brains were pounded with empty slogans of Arab nationalism and lofty goals of unity, freedom and socialism, and visions of defeating Zionism and imperialism.

Every detail in our “official” lives was informed by the military: our drab khaki school uniforms, with our shoulder markers changing like military ranks as we passed from one grade to the next; our mandatory military training; and the Baath student organisations we were urged to join. Favoured junior Baathists were awarded bonus grades and given special opportunities. Of course, many were mukhabarat in the making.

Those of us lucky enough to avoid these traps only knew half the evil we faced everyday. We knew our government would never fight Israel and free the Golan. We knew this was Syria’s role in a game of Middle East geopolitical chess: the resistors. Crocodile tears were routinely shed by the regime for Palestine while no one did anything for Palestinians, and while Palestinian refugees in Syria were treated as second-class citizens. But we did not imagine the sinister role the army would finally play.

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Syrian Rebels Plan Free Election

by Deborah Amos, National Public Radio

November 27, 2012

In Aleppo province of northern Syria, rebel leaders are planning the first “free” election outside government control â�� imperfect as it may be. For the first time, towns and villages across the province will come together in each place and decide who will represent them. <em>Rima Marrouch contributed to this report.</em>

Broadcast Dates

  • Morning Edition, November 27, 2012
MN Museum of American Art

Abu Al-Qasim Al-Shabbi The will to live


The Tunisian poet Abu al-Qasim al-Shabbi (1909-1934) is well known and appreciated throughout the Arab world. His words are committed to memory and reproduced in textbooks. With the recent Arab uprisings, his poems, and more particularly “The Will to Life” and “To the Tyrants of the World,” have witnessed a revival, yet with a whole new tone. It seems that the Arab spring has infused “The Will to Life” with a newly found hope, a new urgency, and new life. Its opening lines have been chanted, recited, and written on signs and walls in Arab cities.

Al-Shabbi was born in Al-Shabbiyya, Tunisia. He received a traditional Islamic education, and then became a student at al-Zaytuna in Tunis. He read Western Romantic poets in translation as well as Arab Romantic poets of al-Mahjar, particularly Amin al-Rihani and Jubran Khalil Jubran, who greatly influenced his work. Al-Shabbi wrote nature, love, nationalistic, and revolutionary poetry. His poetry was first published in the thirties by the Egyptian magazine Appollo. The most complete edition of al-Shabbi’s poetry collection was published in Cairo under the title Aghani al-Hayat (Songs of Life) in 1955. Al-Shabbi’s other published work, al-Khayal al-Shiʻri ʻinda al-ʻArab (The Poetic Imagination Among the Arabs), critiques traditionalism in Arabic literature and calls for a modernization of literature, thus contributing to the initiation of the cultural renaissance in Tunisia. At the death of his father in 1929, al-Shabbi had to abandon his studies and return to al-Shabbiyya. Suffering since birth from heart problems, he died in the hospital in 1934. Al-Shabbi’s distinctive contribution to Arabic poetry resides mainly in the way he deploys natural imagery to instill his poetry with an innovative and revolutionary vision.
The Will to Life

Then fate must obey
Darkness must dissipate
And must the chain give way
And he who is not embraced by life’s longing
Evaporates into its air and fades away
Woe to one whom life does not rip
from the slap of victorious nothingness
Thus told me the beings
And thus spoke their hidden spirit.
The wind murmured between the cracks
Over the mountains and under trees:
—If  to a goal I aspire,
I pursue the object of desire and prudence obliviate
Neither the rugged canyons will I shun
Nor the gushing of the blazing fire
He who doesn’t like to climb mountains
Will forever live among the hollows
The blood of youth in my heart roars
And more wind in my chest soars
So I hearkened, and listened to the thunders’ shelling
The winds’ blowing and the rain’s falling

And Earth said to me—when I asked her,
“O mother, do you hate humans?”
“Among all the people I bless the ambitious
And those who taking risk enjoy
Those who don’t keep up with time I curse
And I curse those who lead the life of a stone.
The universe is alive; it loves life
And despises the dead, no matter how great they are
The horizon doesn’t embrace dead birds
And bees don’t kiss dead flowers.
Were it not for the motherliness of my tender heart
These holes would not have held the dead
Woe to those whom life has not ripped
From the curse of victorious nothingness!”

On one of those autumn nights,
With sorrow and boredom burdened,
I got drunk on the stars’ light
And sang to sadness, until it too was drunk
And I asked darkness: “Does life bring back
Youth to what it had withered?”
Darkness’ lips did not speak
And the dawn’s virgins did not sing
The woods told me with tenderness
Lovely, like the fluttering strings,
“Come winter, foggy winter,
Snowy winter, rainy winter,
Dies the magic, the branches’ magic,
The flowers’ magic, and the fruits’ magic
The magic of the soft and gentle evening
The magic of the luscious and fragrant meadow
Branches fall along with their leaves
And flowers of a dear and blooming time
The wind plays with them in every valley,
The flood buries them wherever it goes
And all die like a marvelous dream
That in a soul shone and disappeared
The seeds that were carried remain
A reservoir of a bygone beautiful era
A memory of seasons, a vision of life,
And ghosts of a world steadily vanishing;
Embracing, while it is under the fog,
Under the snow, and under the mud,
Life’s untedious spirit
And spring’s scented green heart;
Dreaming of bird songs,
Fragrant flowers and the flavors of fruit.

As time goes by, vicissitudes arise,
Some wilt, and others live on.
Their dreams become wakefulness
Wrapped in dawn’s mystery
Wondering, “Where’s the morning fog?
Where’s the evening magic? and the moonlight?
And the mazes of that elegant bed?
The singing bees and the passing clouds?
Where are the rays and beings?
Where is the life I am waiting for?
I’m thirsty for light over the boughs!
I’m thirsty for the shade under the trees!
I’m thirsty for the spring in the meadows
Singing and dancing over the flowers!
I’m thirsty for the birds’ tune
For the breeze’s whisper, and the rain’s melody!
I’m thirsty for the universe! Where is existence?
When will I see the anticipated world?
It is the universe, behind the slumber of stillness
In the tunnels of the great awakenings”

It took only a wing flap
Till her longing grew up and triumphed
The Earth shattered those above her
And saw the world’s sweet images
Came spring with its melodies
With its dreams, its fragrant juvenescence
And spring kissed her on the lips kisses
That return the departed youth
And said to her: you have been given life
And through your treasured progeny immortalized
Be blessed by the light, and welcome
Young age and life’s affluence.
He whose dreams worship the light
Is blessed by the light wherever he appears
Here you have the sky, here you have the light
And here you have the blooming dreamy soil
Here you have the undying beauty
And here you have the wide and glowing world,
So swing as you like over the fields
With sweet fruits and luscious flowers
Whisper to the breeze, whisper to the clouds
Whisper to the stars and whisper to the moon
Whisper to life and its longings,
To the charm of this attractive existence

Darkness revealed a deep beauty
That kindles imagination and thought inspires
And over the world extends a marvelous magic
Dispatched by an able magician
The candles of the bright stars illumined
The incense, the flowers’ incense perished
A soul of singular beauty flickered
With wings from the moon’s luminosity
Life’s holy hymn resounded
In a temple dreamy and enchanted
And in the universe it declared: Aspiration
Is the flame of life and the essence of victory
If to life souls aspire
Then fate must obey.


Mursi decree “crippling to democratic transition” – Former presidential adviser


By Mohamed Abdu Hassanein

Cairo, Asharq Al-Awsat – Coptic presidential adviser, Samir Morcos, officially announced his resignation yesterday in protest to President Mursi’s controversial constitutional declaration which allows the president to assume sweeping powers, placing his decisions above legal challenge until a new parliament is elected. Morcos served less than three months as President Mohamed Mursi’s adviser on democratic transition. President Mursi’s surprise announcement on Thursday incurred widespread criticism from across Egypt and resulted in violent protests in Cairo, Alexandria, Port Said and Suez on Friday. Speaking exclusively to Asharq Al-Awsat, the former presidential adviser stressed that “I refuse to remain [in my position] in light of this presidential decision that is crippling to the democratic transition process…and which is contrary to what I am trying to achieve through my position.”

Morcos stressed that he had accepted this position “in order to participate in the democratization process in Egypt, however what has happened, regarding President Mursi’s decision, represents a disregard of this process.” He also revealed that he was not consulted on this new constitutional declaration, which ultimately places control of the legislative, executive, constitutional and judicial authority in Mursi’s hands, adding that he only learnt of this when the decree was officially announced on television. Morcos asserted that this decision “violates all the democratic norms and traditions” as well as the special portfolio – democratic transition – that he was appointed to oversee.

The prominent Egyptian Copt revealed that he had presented President Mursi with his two-page resignation letter, in which he outlined the reasons for his decision and his objection to the president’s decisions. His resignation described this decision as being “discouraging for the democratic transition project in Egypt” adding “I cannot remain [in my position] in light of presidential decisions that are crippling to democratic transition, particularly with regards to retroactively granting Mursi immunity”. He added “this is not acceptable.”

He confirmed that this decision is final and that he will announce his position clearly regarding everything that is happening in the country after his resignation has officially been accepted.

Morcos was elected as one of the 100 members of the constitutional committee charged with drafting Egypt’s new constitution, however he later resigned from this committee over his objections to the manner in which it was formed, stressing that this committee was not balanced and did not reflect the genuine diversity of Egyptian society. He also informed Asharq Al-Awsat that he had been pressured, from several sides, including by Egyptian President Mursi himself, to retract his resignation and return to the constitutional committee. However Morcos asserted his objection to the manner in which this committee had been formed as well as the ongoing conflict that is raging within it.

Morcos stressed that the constitutional draft being drawn up by this committee is unworthy of Egypt, dubbing it “the constitution of the majority.”

For its part, Egypt’s Supreme Judicial Council, the country’s highest judicial authority, also strongly rejected Mursi’s latest decree, describing it as an “unprecedented attack” on their authority. It added that work would be suspended in all courts and prosecution offices until the decree passed by the president earlier this week is reversed.

Whilst the liberal Constitution Party issued a statement saying “we are facing a historic moment in which we either complete our revolution or we abandon it to become prey for a group that has put its narrow party interests above the national interest.”

Protests continued on Saturday across Egypt, with demonstrators pitching tents in the middle of Cairo’s Tahrir Square, pledging to remain there until Mursi reverses his decision. Protest organizers said more than 20 different groups had joined a week-long sit-in against the Egyptian president’s reform, describing Mursi as the new “pharaoh.”

Defending his decision at a rally at Cairo’s presidential palace on Friday, Mursi said that he was taking these “exceptional measures” because “my people, nation and the revolution of Egypt are in danger.”

He said “I am for all Egyptians. I will not be biased against any son of Egypt” adding “ I am the guarantor of that and I will protect for my brothers in the opposition all their rights so they can exercise their role.”


To day at the Syrian Embassy in Brussels


Why Israel Didn’t Win

Adam Shatz

The ceasefire agreed by Israel and Hamas in Cairo after eight days of fighting is merely a pause in the Israel-Palestine conflict. It promises to ease movement at all border crossings with the Gaza Strip, but will not lift the blockade. It requires Israel to end its assault on the Strip, and Palestinian militants to stop firing rockets at southern Israel, but it leaves Gaza as miserable as ever: according to a recent UN report, the Strip will be ‘uninhabitable’ by 2020. And this is to speak only of Gaza. How easily one is made to forget that Gaza is only a part – a very brutalised part – of the ‘future Palestinian state’ that once seemed inevitable, and which now seems to exist mainly in the lullabies of Western peace processors. None of the core issues of the Israel-Palestine conflict – the Occupation, borders, water rights, repatriation and compensation of refugees – is addressed by this agreement.

The fighting will erupt again, because Hamas will come under continued pressure from its members and from other militant factions, and because Israel has never needed much pretext to go to war. In 1982, it broke its ceasefire with Arafat’s PLO and invaded Lebanon, citing the attempted assassination of its ambassador to London, even though the attack was the work of Arafat’s sworn enemy, the Iraqi agent Abu Nidal. In 1996, during a period of relative calm, it assassinated Hamas’s bomb-maker Yahya Ayyash, the ‘Engineer’, leading Hamas to strike back with a wave of suicide attacks in Israeli cities. When, a year later, Hamas proposed a thirty-year hudna, or truce, Binyamin Netanyahu dispatched a team of Mossad agents to poison the Hamas leader Khaled Meshaal in Amman; under pressure from Jordan and the US, Israel was forced to provide the antidote, and Meshaal is now the head of Hamas’s political bureau – and an ally of Egypt’s new president, Mohamed Morsi.

read full article here

Is Gideon Levy the most hated man in Israel or just the most heroic?

For three decades, the writer and journalist Gideon Levy has been a lone voice, telling his readers the truth about what goes on in the Occupied Territories.

Friday 24 September 2010

Gideon Levy is the most hated man in Israel – and perhaps the most heroic. This “good Tel Aviv boy” – a sober, serious child of the Jewish state – has been shot at repeatedly by the Israeli Defence Force, been threatened with being “beaten to a pulp” on the country’s streets, and faced demands from government ministers that he be tightly monitored as “a security risk.” This is because he has done something very simple, and something that almost no other Israeli has done. Nearly every week for three decades, he has travelled to the Occupied Territories and described what he sees, plainly and without propaganda. “My modest mission,” he says, “is to prevent a situation in which many Israelis will be able to say, ‘We didn’t know.’” And for that, many people want him silenced.

The story of Gideon Levy – and the attempt to deride, suppress or deny his words – is the story of Israel distilled. If he loses, Israel itself is lost.

Read full article here

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